Why racism is important

A second form of institutional racism signaled by Miles occurs when the racist discourse has lost its explicit racist content but the original meaning is reflected in other words.

They are populist in that they frequently appeal to the common sense of ordinary people. They are authoritarian and support traditional values. They are anti-egalitarian and oppose the integration of immigrant communities by mobilizing xenophobic and racist sentiments.

The scientific literature about inequality according to class, gender and ethnic background discusses the ways in which different discourses relating to the production and reproduction of systems of social inequality are intermingled and have common characteristics. This is not only the case for contemporary discourse, but also for historical discourse. The scientific literature about class, gender and racial inequality has often pointed to this reciprocal intrication and to the parallels between different discourses related to the production and reproduction of inequality in society.

The poor, often unemployed or marginally employed population groupings that were qualified as backward and who were the targets of the civilization process, were frequently also defined in terms of race Miles, a: Civilizing these groupings was the cultural and ideological pillar of the process of nation building. Civilization and racialization played an important role in the internal processes that occurred in the formation of nations Miles, a.

Miles a: 44 relates this historical racialization of civilization processes to a conceptual distinction between the racism of the interior --racism towards certain groups within a nation, such as Jews and Gypsies--and racism of the exterior --racism towards groups outside the nation, such as colonized peoples.

In the same framework, it is important to point to the research of Daniel Pick into socio-biological discourse around degeneration in different European countries between and Social evolution and degeneration were intimately linked in late nineteenth-century ideology. The ideal of unity that was so important to processes of nation formation was under continuous pressure from presumed cultural, national and racial disintegration.

The city in particular was considered the center of disintegration. The concept of degeneration allowed the representation of current social problems in the depoliticized terms of nature, biology and race. The pathological elements that had to be excluded, such as criminals, prostitutes and the mentally ill, were considered to be interior, unwanted foreigners. It must be stated that emphases vary in the discourses around degeneration in different countries.

The eugenic movement of the United States and Germany, for example, which incorporated fear of degeneration, articulated its action towards immigrants, blacks and Jews. In the Netherlands, the eugenic movement was much more oriented towards class differences, as Noordman argues Nevertheless, racial aspects were not absent in the Dutch situation see Noordman, , , , The race factor as an indicator of mental qualities was the object of much scientific work.

Skull measurements were increasingly used as an instrument of research--by Dutch anthropologists, such as the notorious Paul Julien and in particular in the Dutch Indies see also Wertheim, The eugenic movement disappeared. Yet, presuppositions of social degeneration have continued to have an impact on politics and culture, although more explicit theories are now repressed Pick, From onwards however, when E.

Wilson published the book Social Biology: The New Synthesis , social biology the study of the biological basis of social behavior has become popular and has pervaded the social sciences Rose, Lewontin and Kamin, The central thesis of social biology is that social and cultural behavior is coded in the genes. As I have shown above, the intrication of different discourses about groups that are subject to social exclusion is historically complex. This concept was used from the s onwards in the theories of British Cultural Studies under the leadership of Stuart Hall, who built upon the works of Laclau, Althusser, Gramsci and Marx Slack, The problem of reductionism was high on the agenda.

The relationship of elements of the social world had to be identified in a non-reductionist way. One of the problems of economic and class reductionism is that it was not capable of explaining how class factors such as gender and race play a role in the complex relationship between dominance and powerlessness. The concept of articulation came to function as a signal, indicating the necessity to avoid reductionism Slack, It indicated that both parallels and contradictions, as well as a lack of correspondence may occur simultaneously.

The use of the concept of articulation allows for reflecting simultaneously unity and difference. Articulation, Hall in Slack, argues,. The structuralist paradigm thus does if properly developed enable us to begin really to conceptualize the specificity of different practices analytically distinguished, abstracted out , without losing its grip on the ensemble which they constitute.

Miles too elaborates on the processes of articulation. He argues that articulation occurs where an ideology shares certain characteristics with other ideologies, for example in the case of racism and sexism. The shared characteristic in this case is the representation of a naturalized division of humankind in terms that make it inherent and universal.

Historically, racism and classism have had a complementary origin and impact. Groups of particular concern are criminals, the mentally ill, nomadic groups and people viewed as anti-social. With regard to this point, Hitler's fascism showed great excesses but has never been exclusive. In the Netherlands, anti-social families were re-educated in special camps or neighborhoods Dercksen and Verplanke, ; Milikowski, In both cases, the influence of eugenic thinking may be identified.

The refutation of racism after the Second World War has never been total and undivided. Both phenomena, racism and classism, are historically rooted in the process of nation formation. In this process, different groups differentiated according to class, gender or ethnic-cultural background were represented as naturally distinct and different from the dominant group, thus legitimizing their exclusion.

Both ideologies share, with sexism, a historical function, namely legitimizing exclusion by white, dominant male elites. Articulation characterizes the relationship between these ideologies; similarities and parallels do exist, but so do differences and contradictions. To equate them would testify to reductionism. It would remind one of the traditional, orthodox, Marxist framework of thought, in which race was subsumed by class, as a result of which it was assumed that the solution to the race question would be a logical, self-evident consequence of the expected class revolution.

Theoretically, this viewpoint has long been out of date, and unmasked as eurocentric. A common characteristic for different groups that are socially excluded is the sociopsychological process of stigmatization that they are subjected to Heatherton, Kleck, Hebel and Hull, Neuberg, Smith and Asher argue that the tendency to stigmatize is universal; it is grounded in evolutionary rules essential to effective group functioning.

These rules are based on the principles of reciprocity, trust, common values and group welfare. The principle of reciprocity implies that people are not supposed to take more than they give with respect to social goods; the principle of trust implies that people will not cheat and betray others; with respect to common values, people are supposed to support and not to undermine them, just as they are supposed to contribute to group welfare.

Stigmatization occurs, they argue, when these basic principles of effective and efficient group functioning are supposedly violated. Their research also suggests ways for reducing stigmatization: once the threat, or the perception of the threat, or indeed we may add, the representation of the threat, posed by individuals or groups to group functioning is eliminated, the stigmatization of targeted individuals and groups should decrease Neuberg and Smith and Asher, A key attitude in racism is the social cognitive phenomenon of prejudice.

In the s more neutral, non-pejorative definitions began to be used, but always the negative character of the attitude was foregrounded. Duckitt 17 argues that this conceptualization of prejudice as simply a negative inter-group attitude implies a clear accentuation of the central role of the affective dimension in inter-group dynamics. Young-Bruehl also emphasizes the affective dimension of prejudice. She conceptualizes prejudice, at least some forms of prejudice related to what she calls ideologies of desire, as mechanisms of defense against the acknowledgement of desires and against guilt feelings, the voices of the superego Young-Bruehl, The underlying desire, she argues, has articulated itself into an ideology.

Duckitt distinguishes four levels of causation in relation to prejudice. On the basis of an extended review of theories and findings on the causal processes of prejudice, he presents prejudice as both a social and simultaneously an individual phenomenon.

First, he argues, certain psychological processes ensure that every human has the potential to be prejudiced. Second, the activation of this potential is determined by social and inter-group dynamics of contact and interaction in specific social situations and societies. Third, prejudiced attitudes are socially transmitted. Fourth, individual differences influence people's susceptibility to prejudice, thereby creating different, varying outcomes to the mechanisms of social influence involved in the transmission of prejudices.

Traditionally the tendency in psychology has been to view emotions detached from the context of social and cultural processes that trigger them. As a physiological process, emotion has been located inside the body which, following ancient Judeo-Christian and Cartesian traditions, was considered to be separated from the mind Hermans and Kempen, It is not surprising, then, that social psychology as a study of the mind has traditionally offered a highly cognitive account of how people process social information, ignoring the affective dimensions Anderson, Recent developments, however, incline toward reintroducing affect in the study of social cognitions such as stereotypes and prejudices.

Just like cognitions, emotions may also be communicated to others through emotional contagion , a process in which people in interaction catch each others' emotions. Research on emotional contagion moreover suggests that cognition and emotion are closely intertwined Hatfield, Cacioppo and Rapson, Emotions may inform cognitions and be informed by them.

Hatfield et al. Emotional contagion however, Hatfield et al. Today, the mass media can potentially spread emotions on a scale previously unthinkable. Since politics crucially involves power, and emotional contagion is not restricted to small scale interpersonal communication, we may assume that processes of emotional contagion play a role in political practices as well, particularly since the mass media are involved.

Given the dialectical relationship between emotions and cognitions, I assume that these processes of emotional contagion consequently may inform, and so reinforce, the beliefs and opinions of the public in the same way as the congruent social cognitions that are transmitted.

There is, moreover, ample evidence of emotional factors such as anxiety, aggressiveness, frustration and feelings of hostility and dissatisfaction influencing individual's susceptibility to prejudice Duckitt, Emotions thus not only exert their influence by dialectically informing the cognitions of an actor, but also have a more direct effect on the cognitions of the public through the process of emotional contagion.

It is in terms of this dual function that the role of emotions has to be integrated into a theoretical framework used to explain the production, reproduction and mechanism of ideologies such as racism and its underlying attitude of prejudice.

Racism is a highly complex social phenomenon that can only be studied on an interdisciplinary basis. In this article I have shortly discussed its function, as well as some of its key dimensions and mechanisms involved while paying attention to its history and to related mechanisms of social exclusion.

The discussion of racism is broadly based on the racisms that are found in western countries. It is highly relevant for countries and people worldwide. Besides differences, expressions of racism in various parts of the world are more and more characterized by similarities.

Social, economic and cultural systems more and more tend to converge. Modern means of communication have played an important role in this development. This development also has consequences for racism that tends towards homogeneity Bowser, ; see also Van Dijk, The analysis of the discourse on immigrants in politics, the media and textbooks including academia in different European countries perfectly illustrate this tendency see e.

The same means of communication that have played such an important role in the development of globalization contribute to the ongoing reproduction of the phenomenon of racism on a world scale. With the means of communication the racist discourse penetrates the remote corners of the world, favoring tendencies towards ethnic conflict. This is why the knowledge and understanding of racism and the movement against racism can not stay behind.

Almost all European countries have seen a decline of support for and a decomposition of traditional party politics paralleled by the rise, diffusion and expansion of right extremist, populist parties. This development is related to more profound economic, social and cultural developments: the transition from industrial welfare capitalism to postindustrial individualized capitalism; the emergence of a global economy marked by increased mobility and competition; the decay of the grand ideologies of modernity; related processes of political and social fragmentation; individualization, alienation and growing public discontent, pessimism and anxiety Betz, Anderson, John.

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There is wide variation, but on average older Whites are healthier than older Blacks and tend to outlive them. But Whites tend to be in poorer health than Hispanics and Asian Americans. This volume documents the differentials and considers possible explanations.

Selection processes play a role: selective migration, for instance, or selective survival to advanced ages. Health differentials originate early in life, possibly even before birth, and are affected by events and experiences throughout the life course. Differences in socioeconomic status, risk behavior, social relations, and health care all play a role. Separate chapters consider the contribution of such factors and the biopsychosocial mechanisms that link them to health.

This volume provides the empirical evidence for the research agenda provided in the separate report of the Panel on Race, Ethnicity, and Health in Later Life. Based on feedback from you, our users, we've made some improvements that make it easier than ever to read thousands of publications on our website. Jump up to the previous page or down to the next one.

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Racism as a Source of Stress. Sociodemographic and Economic Factors. Socioeconomic Status. Psychological and Physiological Responses. Coping Responses. Institutional Racism. Allostatic Load and Health Outcomes. Racism can make people of different ethnic groups feel unwelcome and isolated, and may even affect their opportunities to study, work and socialise.

This can later affect their quality of life, access to health care and life expectancy. It's not always easy to find the right place to start. Our 'What's on your mind? What is racism? Why is history important in understanding racism? Why are institutions important in understanding racism? What does racism look like? Direct racism This type of racism is conscious and intentional — for example, someone writing a negative Instagram post about a particular ethnic group.

Systemic racism This type of racism occurs when organisations in our society such as the government, media companies, police, hospitals and schools discriminate against certain groups of people. Why is racism a problem? What can you do about racism? What can I do now? Get started with some tips on standing up to racism. Have a go at using the Everyday Racism app.